I have discussed this question on the assumption that the
electoral system, in all that depends on positive institution,
conforms to the principles laid down in the preceding chapters. Even
on this hypothesis, the delegation theory of representation seems to
me false, and its practical operation hurtful, though the mischief
would in that case be confined within certain bounds. But if the
securities by which I have endeavoured to guard the representative
principle are not recognised by the Constitution; if provision is
not made for the representation of minorities, nor any difference
admitted in the numerical value of votes, according to some
criterion of the amount of education possessed by the voters; in
that case no words can exaggerate the importance in principle of
leaving an unfettered discretion to the representative; for it would
then be the only chance, under universal suffrage, for any other
opinions than those of the majority to be heard in Parliament. In that
falsely called democracy which is really the exclusive rule of the
operative classes, all others being unrepresented and unheard, the
only escape from class legislation in its narrowest, and political
ignorance in its most dangerous, form, would lie in such disposition
as the uneducated might have to choose educated representatives, and
to defer to their opinions. Some willingness to do this might
reasonably be expected, and everything would depend upon cultivating
it to the highest point.
Pages:
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264
265
266
267
268
269
270
271
272