Thus (I
mention names to illustrate my meaning, not for any personal
application) the opinions supposed to be entertained by Mr. Cobden and
Mr. Bright on resistance to foreign aggression might be overlooked
during the Crimean war, when there was an overwhelming national
feeling on the contrary side, and might yet very properly lead to
their rejection by the electors at the time of the Chinese quarrel
(though in itself a more doubtful question), because it was then for
some time a moot point whether their view of the case might not
prevail.
As the general result of what precedes, we may affirm that actual
pledges should not be required, unless, from unfavourable social
circumstances or faulty institutions, the electors are so narrowed
in their choice as to be compelled to fix it on a person presumptively
under the influence of partialities hostile to their interest: That
they are entitled to a full knowledge of the political opinions and
sentiments of the candidate; and not only entitled, but often bound,
to reject one who differs from themselves on the few articles which
are the foundation of their political belief: That in proportion to
the opinion they entertain of the mental superiority of a candidate,
they ought to put up with his expressing and acting on opinions
different from theirs on any number of things not included in their
fundamental articles of belief: That they ought to be unremitting in
their search for a representative of such calibre as to be entrusted
with full power of obeying the dictates of his own judgment: That they
should consider it a duty which they owe to their fellow-countrymen,
to do their utmost towards placing men of this quality in the
legislature: and that it is of much greater importance to themselves
to be represented by such a man than by one who professes agreement in
a greater number of their opinions: for the benefits of his ability
are certain, while the hypothesis of his being wrong and their being
right on the points of difference is a very doubtful one.
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