It is a far graver objection, that this adjustment
is incompatible with the intercommunity of local constituencies
which Mr. Hare's plan requires; that under it every voter would remain
imprisoned within the one or more constituencies in which his name
is registered, and unless willing to be represented by one of the
candidates for those localities, would not be represented at all.
So much importance do I attach to the emancipation of those who
already have votes, but whose votes are useless, because always
outnumbered; so much should I hope from the natural influence of truth
and reason, if only secured a hearing and a competent advocacy that
I should not despair of the operation even of equal and universal
suffrage, if made real by the proportional representation of all
minorities, on Mr. Hare's principle. But if the best hopes which can
be formed on this subject were certainties, I should still contend for
the principle of plural voting. I do not propose the plurality as a
thing in itself undesirable, which, like the exclusion of part of
the community from the suffrage, may be temporarily tolerated while
necessary to prevent greater evils. I do not look upon equal voting as
among the things which are good in themselves, provided they can be
guarded against inconveniences. I look upon it as only relatively
good; less objectionable than inequality of privilege grounded on
irrelevant or adventitious circumstances, but in principle wrong,
because recognising a wrong standard, and exercising a bad influence
on the voter's mind.
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