But it
would be ridiculous to expect such a degree of it, combined with
such intellectual discernment, as would be proof against any plausible
fallacy tending to make that which was for their class interest appear
the dictate of justice and of the general good.
We all know what specious fallacies may be urged in defence of every
act of injustice yet proposed for the imaginary benefit of the mass.
We know how many, not otherwise fools or bad men, have thought it
justifiable to repudiate the national debt. We know how many, not
destitute of ability, and of considerable popular influence, think
it fair to throw the whole burthen of taxation upon savings, under the
name of realised property, allowing those whose progenitors and
themselves have always spent all they received to remain, as a
reward for such exemplary conduct, wholly untaxed. We know what
powerful arguments, the more dangerous because there is a portion of
truth in them, may be brought against all inheritance, against the
power of bequest, against every advantage which one person seems to
have over another. We know how easily the uselessness of almost
every branch of knowledge may be proved, to the complete
satisfaction of those who do not possess it. How many, not
altogether stupid men, think the scientific study of languages
useless, think ancient literature useless, all erudition useless,
logic and metaphysics useless, poetry and the fine arts idle and
frivolous, political economy purely mischievous? Even history has been
pronounced useless and mischievous by able men.
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